Declaration on Genocide against Rwandan Hutu — New Rwanda National Congress

Declaration on Genocide against Rwandan Hutu  — New Rwanda National Congress

DECLARATION ON GENOCIDE AGAINST RWANDAN HUTU
Washington D.C., USA
14th September, 2016

Since 1994, Rwanda and the international community invested tremendous resources in acknowledging, documenting, remembering and bringing to justice the perpetrators of the genocide against Tutsi. Sadly, though well documented by the international community and known by the victims, there has never been an acknowledgement that the crimes committed against the Rwandan Hutu fully satisfy the definition of genocide according to the Genocide Convention of 1948. A combination of a victor’s justice, a reign of impunity, and a guilty international community has led to a scandalous conspiracy of silence as a means to deny genocide against the Hutu.

The New Rwanda National Congress has, after a long and careful deliberation decided to rise to the historic responsibility of naming the crimes committed against the Rwandan Hutu in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo by their rightful name, genocide. Compelling evidence demonstrates beyond reasonable doubt that members of the Hutu community were deliberately and systematically killed; that conditions were inflicted on them calculated to bring about their physical destruction in whole or in part; and that serious bodily and mental harm has been caused to them.

In the interest of Rwanda’s current and future generations, it is equally our duty and obligation to name the masterminds of the genocide against the Rwanda Hutu. From its founding in 1990 until now, the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) of the Rwanda Patriotic Army (now Rwanda Defence Forces) has been the vanguard of decisions and actions that have brought untold suffering to Rwandans and people of the Great Lakes region. The primary command culpability for genocide against Rwandan Hutu lies with the following military officers, all Tutsi former refugees from Uganda, who have been at the heart of DMI’s genocidal agenda:

1. President Paul Kagame: President of Rwanda
2. Lt. General Kayumba Nyamwasa: First Vice Coordinator Rwanda National Congress
3. Lt. General James Kabarebe: Minister of Defence, Rwanda
4. Lt. General Charles Kayonga: Rwanda’s Ambassador to China
5. Lt. General Patrick Nyamvumba: Chief of Defence Forces, Rwanda
6. Lt. General Karenzi Karake: Advisor to the President, Rwanda
7. Lt. General Fred Ibingira: Reserve Chief of Staff, RDF, Rwanda
8. Major General Sam Kaka: Retired, Former RPA Chief of Staff
9. Major General Jack Nziza: Chief Inspector, Ministry of Defence
10. Major General Emmanuel Gasana: Chief of Police, Rwanda
11. Colonel Dan Munyuza: Deputy Chief of Police,

These military officials were responsible for the shooting down of the plane in which President Juvenal Habyalimana of Rwanda and President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi were killed, triggering the genocide against Tutsi. Many officers and men of Rwanda Patriotic Army/Rwanda Defence Forces have been tools of this clique in unleashing war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide on Rwandan Hutu in Rwanda and across the Democratic Republic of Congo, as documented by various reports, including the U.N. Mapping Report on DRC of 2010.

The New National Congress calls upon the international community to bring to justice the perpetrators of genocide against the Rwandan Hutu as provided for by the 1948 Genocide Convention. The cry for justice by the Rwandan Hutu has gone on for too long without redress. It has been a typical case of justice delayed, but it cannot be justice denied forever. The reign of impunity and terror under the militarist genocidal clique that has ruled Rwanda since 1994 has already caused too much human suffering in Rwanda and the Great Lakes region. Failure to force these elements to account for their crimes simply makes the international community an accomplice in perpetuating impunity and the vicious cycles of war, war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in Rwanda and the region.

The New Rwanda National Congress calls upon all Rwandan people to painfully sermon the will and courage to acknowledge and remember both the genocide against Tutsi and the genocide against Hutu. In doing so, we shall finally begin the long and difficult journey of authentic unity, reconciliation, forgiveness and healing founded on truth. Only then can we confidently say, Never Again!

The New Rwanda National Congress will be convening, under the auspices of the RWANDA TRUTH COMMISSION, the First International Conference on Genocide Against Rwandan
Hutu, 9-11 December, 2016, Capitol Hill, Washington D.C, USA, to deliberate on the implications and follow up on this matter of highest historic significance.

Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa
Chairman
Joseph Ngarambe
Vice Chairman
Jonathan Musonera
Secretary

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To the dead we owe justice, not propaganda. The victims of the 1994 massacres in Rwanda deserve justice.

All the armed groups in Rwanda, including Kagame's RPA/F, butchered people in what Kagame's partners-in-crime and propagandists now force down the throat as Tutsi genocide.

The 1994 Rwandan massacres official narrative is a pack of lies that the world should redress with an objective international inquiry. The RPF Tutsi genocide narrative is pretty much the proverbial tale of the hunter!!!

The shameful stage-managed Arusha ICTR trials were " victor's justice". Like Galileo stood for the principle he knew to be true, I stand for what I know to be true; RPF/A/Kagame's then rebels, like other armed groups that existed in Rwanda, perpetrated the 1994 massacres.

The current Tutsi genocide hoax was constructed and " promoted" to cover up Kagame and his then rebels' horrific crimes. I hope and pray that, like time vindicated Galileo, I SHALL be vindicated when political interests change and there is an objective /neutral group to investigate what really happened in Rwanda that time. In the meantime, I SHALL never buy into the 1994 genocide propaganda.



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Charles Kambanda

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The International Community Should Stop Complicity with RPF- Inkotanyi Hidden agenda of Exterminating Rwandan Hutu People

For two decades the world media have been dominated and intoxicated by the big lies and distractions fabricated by Kagame’s regime which took power in Rwanda after a bloodshed that took lives of millions of innocent Hutus, Tutsis, Twas and foreigners. Since 1994, Kagame and his party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), have turned the “genocide in Rwanda”, the one said to be only against Tutsis into a weapon to silence everybody with different opinions on how things should work in the country and scapegoated all Hutus to be perpetrators of it while it is the other way around.

Rwandan Hutu Refugees in Democratic Republic of Congo

While the world’s attention on Rwanda is only on the artifice commemoration of the 21st genocide, the Hutu refugees are presently being hunted like animals in the jungles of Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Both Hutus and Tutsis as well as opposition critics and other human rights activists who oppose the ideology of the RPF are being pursued in different countries around the world by the Rwandan government.



The genocide against the Hutus which started in October 1990 by the RPF is still happening in the dense forests of DRC where Hutu refugees and their resemblance are being hunted like animals, and inside the country a silent carnage is going on: ordinary Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi people are being executed day-to-day and their bodies are being thrown into lakes and rivers. Threats, intimidation, torture, persecution, kidnapping, disappearance and killings are used by Kagame’s secret security services and death squads to eliminate any person with different political opinions from RPF ones.

We recall that in 1990 when the RPF invaded Rwanda was fully backed by Uganda and powerful western countries such as the United States of America (USA), the United Kingdom (UK), Canada, Israel, etc. The RPF hidden agenda was (is still) the extermination of Hutu people in Rwanda, the looting of Congolese mineral resources, instigation of chaos in the region and implantation of Tutsi empire based on terror, slavery, and human rights abuses inside Rwanda and in the Great Lakes region as well. But the worst of it, is that the terrorism of RPF Tutsi extremists has gone beyond the Great Lakes region and has been expanded worldwide, and some countries are still conspiring in one way or the other to fuel that state terrorism.
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nabacu.org

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Watch Kagame and his Ugandan strategist Mwenda clash about Rwandan economic Performance.

Watch Kagame and his Ugandan strategist Mwenda clash about Rwandan economic Performance.

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Kagame didn't end Genocide; He started it.

Please Stop Saying

“Paul Kagame ended a genocide in which mostly Tutsis (and a few moderate Hutus) were killed”!

1. He did not come riding in to stop killing in 1994.
   
2. His gang invaded Rwanda in 1990 (yes, 1990, 4 years before) to begin the genocide.
   
3. He orchestrated and accomplished much of the killing (including killing of Tutsis by Hutus and by his own men)
   
4. The evidence suggests more Hutus than Tutsis were killed.
   
5. And that was from 1990 until the end of 1994;he continued beyond this, in Rwanda and in Democratic Republic of Congo.

Did the UN and others "fail" to act? Kagame threatened to kill UN officials or others who stood in his way to conquest of Kigali, his long-planned base for stealing Congo's resources.

GOOGLE "Ann Garrison" or "Taylor report"+Philpot or "Gersony report" or Davenport+Stam or "Mapping exercise"+UN or "Peter Erlinder" or "Keith Harmon Snow" etc.

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Frank LeFever

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Arusha Needed to Avert a New Political Violence in Rwanda

Theogene Rudasingwa

The political opposition, composed of the following political organisations, namely AMAHORO PC; FDU-Inkingi; PDP Imanzi; PS Imberakuri and RNC (Rwanda National Congress), calls on peace loving people, governments and organisations and particularly friends of Rwanda to impress upon the Rwandan government the need to enter dialogue with the opposition on the basis of the Arusha Peace Agreement which was derailed by the resumption of war in 1994 that gave total victory to one protagonist, the RPF/RPA. We feel very strongly that the conditions that led to war in 1990 and subsequent social upheaval and genocide 1994 are more acute and explosive that they were at the time.

These included, authoritarian form of government, unresolved problem of refugees, regionalism, nepotism, favouritism, lack of a free press, freedom of expression and association. Economic disparities much lower than they are today. Disparities have doubled in the last 20 years and Rwanda is now among the top 15% of the most unequal countries in the world, in a country that is most aided in the region, and where 60% of the population live under poverty line.

The apparent stability masks deep seated tensions and unresolved grievances that are kept under check by the most repressive regime that Rwanda has ever had, which operates beyond borders to hunt down critics and assassinate them. Just to give a few examples, the former Home Affairs Minister Seth Sendashonga, and former member of Parliament Colonel Lizinde were gunned down in Nairobi; while the former Chief Spy, Colonel Patrick Karegeya, was strangled in South Africa. In August, a South African court convicted two Rwandans and two Tanzanians of the attempted murder of General Kayumba Nyamwasa—a former senior military official and leading RNC member—in South Africa in 2010, and sentenced them in September to eight years’ imprisonment. The judge stated that the attack was politically motivated and emanated from a group of people in Rwanda.
With regards to the problem of refugees, Rwanda has now the highest number of refugees of all time, and for the 1st time Rwandan refugees include people of all ethnic groups, Hutu, Tutsi and Twa, of all social status and age, military, business men, young and old people.

The social capital i.e. relationship of trust and frank collaboration between a social grouping like a family, community values and social norms that glue members of a community together have been destroyed by the ruling party indoctrination programme that promotes loyalty to the party and its leader than to any other social network including family.

We are convinced that the cycle of brutal massacres that have bedevilled Rwanda are not a product of congenital brutal hatreds between Hutu and Tutsi but the failure of the political leadership to manage peacefully the naturally divergent interests of people and societal demands without resorting to violence or appealing to ethnic sentiments.
The long negotiations in Arusha in 1992- 1994 had tried to find a formula to end the cycle of violence but was derailed for opportunistic reasons.

The various stakeholders had done a lot of ground work that can be used as a foundation for a new dialogue taking into account the new environment. We feel that the arrogant and militarist attitude of the present Rwandan leadership might lead eventually to another violent change of regime.

We are calling for an all-inclusive national dialogue of all stakeholders in the Rwandan conflict to agree on legal and institutional mechanisms to end the cycle of violence in Rwanda and build a real reconciled, peaceful, prosperous and democratic society.

Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa.
Chair Platform
Washington DC June 24, 2016
E-mail: ngombwa@gmail.com
Tel: 001-240-477-9110

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The other Rwandan Massacre: 20 Years on

An Australian soldier carrying a young Rwandan boy injured during the Kibeho massacre, Rwanda, 1995 [Photograph: George Gittoes]

The 1994 Rwandan genocide was one of the most horrifying events of the 20th Century. But many are unaware of another massacre the following year. Australian Author Paul Jordon and filmmaker George Gittoes witnessed the brutality.


Twenty years ago, on April 22, thousands of unarmed civilians were killed by Rwandan soldiers at the Kibeho Internally Displaced Persons Camp (IDP) in the south of Rwanda.
A small team of 32 Australian Defence Force personnel were the only western troops to witness the massacre.




It is admittedly one the worst carnages Australian troops have been exposed to since the Second World War.

Australian author Paul Jordan was there.

He was one of the highly trained elite SAS forces deployed in Rwanda at the time.

“We arrived as part of the second contingent in February 1995. We took up residence at the hospital and started providing care for those who were injured.”

Kibeho was the last and the biggest Internally Displaced People's camp remaining in Rwanda after the 1994 genocide.

Outnumbered by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) and unable to intervene in virtue of their UN mandate, the small Australian contingent deployed extraordinary courage in an effort to save lives.

The Australian Defence force was providing medical support to the United Nations Assistance Mission to Rwanda (UNAMIR) following the Rwandan Genocide.

Jordan’s section was tasked to support and protect a small Australian Medical Team sent to the Kibeho IDP which was about to be closed.

“We were then told in April that the camp at Kibeho was to be closed. And our job was to go there and document those who might be injured; provide care where we could while people were being repatriated to their villages.”

Deadly motives of the 'repatriation operation'

Behind the official IDP repatriation operation that started on the 18th of April 1995 and ended tragically on the 22nd of April 1995, there was another unspecified agenda.

Earlier this month George Gittoes was awarded the 2015 Sydney Peace Prize in recognition for, amongst other things, his courage to witness and confront violence in the war zones of the world.

Australian activist and war artist George Gittoes has been awarded the 2015 Sydney Peace Prize. (AAP)

A seasoned investigative documentary maker, Gittoes was on a mission to document the deployment of Australian forces in Rwanda.

He had learned about the other possible motives of the Kibeho IDP repatriation operation.

“They did it in a grotesque way. They’d shoot them in the leg and then they’d laugh at them and then watch them trying to get up and eventually put a bullet in their head or somewhere fatal.”

“Before I left Kigali I had been briefed on the likelihood that there would be a retaliatory massacre at Kibeho. So I came in very aware and alert.

“I came with the Australian infantry soldiers who were supporting a medical team setting up a field hospital run by Captain Carol Vaughan Evans.”

It wasn’t long before Gittoes witnessed the other aspect of the "repatriation operation".
“The first sign was watching the RPA clear the villages and hills around it. People being forced out and as they ran… they were made to run, they would shoot them."

He says the RPA were ruthless in their execution.

“They did it in a grotesque way. They’d shoot them in the leg and then they’d laugh at them and then watch them trying to get up and eventually put a bullet in their head or somewhere fatal.”

Completely surrounded by heavily armed and trigger happy RPA troops, the people in the camp had nowhere to run.

And as Jordan recalls, armed militias within the camp were also busy doing their own killing.

“The Rwandans had machine guns, they had mortars, and all set up to mow these people down; which they did.

“And while this was going on, there were also people running within these poor people with machetes and other weapons killing them from within as well. So these displaced persons were being hit from both sides; from the army and from militias from within the camp.”

Attempts to stop the killings

In the midst of this carnage one would wonder whether there were any attempts to intercede.

Jordan says that there were numerous initiatives from Australian forces and other parties to stop the killings.

“It was coming from the UN and it was coming from our command element. And we had one signaller who spent his entire time on that radio maintaining communications and reporting exactly what was going on.

“But it was also our officers within our small group who were pleading with the Rwandan Patriotic Army officers, a major in particular, that this had do stop.”

But their calls fell on deaf ears.

“It was to the point where there was a set of horrible circumstances and some of the events leading up to the events where… displaced persons who knew that things were going bad and would make a run for it.

“And one or two soldiers would give chase. Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers would give chase, fire a few shots, wing this poor guy and then proceed to bayonet him to death.”

He says there were endless efforts to stop the killings but often it was too late.

“There are countless incidents that took place where innocent people were murdered and executed in front of us and you know not only myself but everybody who was involved in those couple of days stood up to Rwandan soldiers and said no."

"There are countless incidents that took place where innocent people were murdered and executed in front of us and you know not only myself but everybody who was involved in those couple of days stood up to Rwandan soldiers and said no.

“If we were given the opportunity we did that and often we were successful but sometimes you just weren't there on time.”

Faced with mounting casualties and a situation of total helplessness there was increased pressure on the Australian Medical team to leave Kibeho altogether.

But, in true Anzac spirit, the small team decided to continue their mission of saving IDP's lives despite their own being at risk.

Gittoes recalled those moments of extraordinary courage.

"The RPA commander came and said to Carol Vaughan Evans you can’t go back we are going to finish them all. So they would kill the people that the Australians had been treating.

“Carol made an amazing decision. She said no we are going back. So with the heavy machine gun fire it seemed that all the Australians could have been killed in the process of trying to save all these people.

“They had been attached to them. They went back and got them and helped them. This meant tripping through razor wire and stuff … Trying to get people out and bullets flying everywhere.”

Counting the casualties

At the end of more than four days of killings the counting of casualties was to become one of the most controversial events surrounding the United Nations mission in Rwanda.

Jordan and his team were asked to count the victims for the United Nations

“I was charged by the UN along with another officer to take half a section of infantry and move around each side of the camp and count the dead bodies. This took place the day after the massacre. You know we walked along with pace counters and we counted everybody that we found.”

They provided a partial tally of more than 4000 victims.

But the Rwandan government disputed this figure and came up with its own figure of 338 people killed in four days of unabated killings.

Human Right organisations and many scholars believe the tally is much higher. Their figures vary between 10,000 and 15,000 people killed in a matter of four days.

Jordon has his own account.

“I recognise that by being there and bearing witness to what had taken place they would have to kill all of us … to clear that evidence from their slate.

“Or, they had to stop what they were doing. And they didn't kill 12,000 people. I believe the count was somewhere between 4,000 and 10,000. And I would say closer to 10,000."

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sbs.com

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The genocide

In October 1990 the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), consisting of mostly Tutsi Rwandan refugees who grew up in Uganda, invaded Rwanda. A year later, the Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana opened peace talks about a transitional government, including the RPF and in 1993 ceasefire was officially reached through the so-called Arusha Peace Agreement. Habyarimana adopted several Tutsis into his government and started introducing a multiparty system.

On 6 April 1994, Habyarimana’s private plane was shot down, also carrying the President of Burundi, Cyprien Ntaryamira . The death of Habyarimana ignited a murderous spree by extremists from the majority Hutus against Tutsis and those Hutus who had opposed the government in the past or who had supported the peace accords. Within 100 days, somewhere between 800,000 and 1 million Rwandans were massacred. However, several reports, including the famous ‘Gersony report’, identified a pattern of massacres by the RPF rebels of Hutu’s in the months right after the genocide, killing between 25,000 and 45,000 people, and killing tens of thousands as well in 1995, 1996 and 1997 in eastern Congo.

It remains unclear who was behind the assassination of Habyarimana. At the time, the Hutu Power media claimed the plane had been shot down on orders from RPF leader Paul Kagame, who would have sacrificed his people for the sake of power. Others, including the RPF, accused militant Hutus from within Habyarimana’s party of orchestrating the crash in order to provoke anti-Tutsi outrage while simultaneously seizing power. Since the aircraft had a French crew, a French investigation had been conducted; in 2006 it concluded that Kagame was responsible for the killing and demanded that he be prosecuted. The response from Kagame was that the French were only trying to cover up their own part in the genocide that followed. A more recent French probe, with a team of French investigators and two French judges concluded, in a January 2012 report, that the missiles could not have come from a military base occupied by Kagame supporters, and appears to exonerate Kagame’s role in the assassination.

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